Main Body

Black Feminism

Mercy Adeyemi, Laurielle Kelly Feuzeu Mekoue, Julio Ortiz, & Bella Castellanos Palacios

Mary Church Terrell, circa 1880s-1890s.

Courtesy of the Library of Congress.

The notion of intersectionality, which refers to the interconnectedness of social categories and their influence on people and communities, is one of the fundamental ideas of black feminism. The black feminist movement evolved with the second wave of the American women’s movement in the late 1960s. bell hooks, Audre Lorde, Angela Davis, and Elizabeth Spelman, among others, came together to create a consensus on the necessity of constructing the female subject as a monolithic and homogeneous category (Junco & Limonta 2020, 1). They argued about the failure to include intersectionality in the feminist movement and concentrated solely on the experiences of the families of middle-class heterosexual white women. This was a prejudice in feminism, failing to recognize the ways in which sexuality, race, and class pluralize and particularize what it means to be a woman.

Kimberlé Crenshaw, a legal scholar, is credited with coining the term “intersectionality,”  in her insightful 1989 essay, “Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex: A Black Feminist Critique of Antidiscrimination Doctrine, Feminist Theory, and Antiracist Politics,” which is fundamental to black feminism. Intersectionality acknowledges that individuals can be oppressed by more than one form of oppression at the same time and that various forms of oppression are interconnected and cannot be comprehended individually. For instance, a black woman may experience marginalization and prejudice due to both her race and her gender.

In larger social justice movements, intersectionality highlights the significance of amplifying the experiences and perspectives of individuals who are oppressed and frequently silenced. It acknowledges that black women’s experiences are diverse and that various black community groups may have unique challenges. Intersectionality contributes to the creation of more inclusive and representative places for activism and advocacy by elevating their voices.

When the feminist movement first emerged in the 1970s, black women criticized it for being overly narrow in its focus on the issues facing White middle-class women: “black women attacked the feminist movement in the 1970s, saying it was too limited in its concentration on middle-class White women’s problems (Cox 2023, 1).” A large number of black feminist activists disagreed with White feminist activists’ wish to work outside the home because black women had historically made up the labor force as maids, farmers, and slaves. In addition to opposing abortion, black women’s fight for reproductive rights included resistance to forced sterilizations around the time that Roe v. Wade was codified.

In order for the voices of black women to be heard, The National Association of Colored Women (NACW) was established in 1896. During a period of racial and gender discrimination in the US, the NACW became a significant influence. It gave African-American women a forum to voice their particular issues and support societal change. The NACW addressed a broad range of topics, such as suffrage, employment, healthcare, and education. Its members made a concerted effort to improve their neighborhoods, create orphanages, offer scholarships, encourage career training, and fight poverty. Furthermore, their emphasis was on uplifting impoverished women because the NACW understood that black women in all social classes would be assessed and judged according to their experiences of having “the fewest resources and the least opportunity (Peterson 2021, 1).” Founder President Mary Church Terrell stated, “even though we wish to shun them…we cannot escape the consequences of their acts,” because we are bonded by racial and sexual affinities which are necessary for our (referring to black people) own survival (Peterson 2021, 1).

bell hooks, a prominent black feminist scholar, cultural critic, and author, has addressed problems regarding race, gender, class, and intersectionality in her writings and activism, making a major addition to the field of black feminism. Her research focuses on how oppressive institutions are interrelated and how intersectionality is crucial to comprehending black women’s experiences. hooks criticizes mainstream feminism for failing to adequately address the particular difficulties that black women and other oppressed communities experience. In her book, “Ain’t I a Woman? Black Women and Feminism,”  hooks examines the marginalization of black women throughout history and the present, emphasizing the ways in which racism and sexism intersect to generate certain kinds of oppression. bell hooks has made significant contributions to black feminism that have broadened and improved the discipline. Her writings have influenced feminist theory and action, fighting against the marginalization of black women’s experiences and promoting an approach to social justice that is more compassionate, intersectional, and inclusive.

In summary, research on black feminism has illuminated the unique challenges and difficulties that black women encounter within the larger feminist movement. Black feminism highlights the value of intersectionality in comprehending the intricate interactions between race, gender, and class that shape people’s lives and exposes the shortcomings of mainstream feminism.

 

 

Margaret Sloan-Hunter, a founder of the National Black Feminist Organization                      Photo Courtesy of Gloria’s Foundation Archives (1972 Los Angeles, CA)

National Black Feminist Organization, circa 1973 – 1976

By: Julio Ortiz and Bella Castellanos Palacios

The National Black Feminist Organization (NBFO), founded by Florynce Kennedy, Michele Wallace, Faith Ringgold, Doris Wright and Margaret Sloan-Hunter in 1973, emerged from the unique position and experiences of Black women, who often found themselves sidelined within both the Civil Rights and feminist movements. Historically, Black women have been at the forefront of advocacy, actively seeking to uplift both their communities and themselves, even in spaces that resisted acknowledging their voices. Black women played essential roles as both leaders and supporters in the country’s fight for equality—some even as soldiers in struggles for freedom—while frequently being stripped of civil rights and being dehumanized in mass media.

Throughout their short but impactful presence, the NBFO played a critical role in raising awareness about the unique struggles of Black women. Their focus was on issues such as employment discrimination, reproductive rights, access to healthcare, and violence against women, framing these issues within a Black feminist lens (Taylor 1998, 248). This organization continued the work of past advocates for future intersectional movements by challenging society’s structures of both racial and gender oppression. As the NBFO grew, it established local chapters across the United States and organized workshops, conferences, and publications that promoted Black feminist ideology and encouraged political engagement among Black women.

Before NBFO, Black women’s clubs like Woman’s Era Club (founded anytime between 1892 and 1894) and Colored Women’s League (founded 1892) championed the idea that the fight for civil rights was not just about the political freedoms of Black men but also for the full humanity and rights of Black women as well. Advocating for Black Americans holistically and pushing for gender equality within their own communities. This dedication laid the groundwork for Black women’s central role in the second wave of feminism, where they advocated for the rights of all women, recognizing that the mainstream feminist movement, led predominantly by white women, often failed to address the intersections of race, gender, and class that Black women faced daily.

The NBFO sought to build a movement that gave Black women a space where they could center their unique experiences without being in anyone’s shadow. By embracing an intersectional approach, the NBFO addressed the compounded challenges Black women encountered in predominantly white feminist circles and male-dominated Civil Rights spaces. Sojourner Truth, Angela Weld Grimke, Gertrude Mossell, and many others stood for intersectionality in a time when there wasn’t a word to describe what they were experiencing their entire lives (Intersectionality term created in 1989). This recognition of shared struggles forged solidarity among Black women, allowing them to fight alongside one another for collective empowerment, not only as women but also as Black women in a world that often devalues both aspects of their identity.

However, the NBFO encountered many challenges that led to its national organization disbanding in 1976. Some individual chapters continued operation until 1980. The organization faced significant financial difficulties, partly due to the limited funding available for activist groups centered on Black women’s issues (Davis 1988, p. 45). In addition, the NBFO was grappling with internal ideological differences. Some members disagreed on whether the organization should prioritize racial or gender issues (Wada 2008). As such, this created tension among its members. More specifically, the internal debate often revolved around whether the NBFO should collaborate more closely with other civil rights and feminist organizations or remain an independent group focused solely on Black women’s issues. “We weren’t nearly as visible as we needed to be and wanted to be, so our circle couldn’t grow to the extent we had hoped and that it needed to grow” (Eugenia Wiltshire, 2023).

Another reason for the termination of the NBFO was the emergence of the Combahee River Collective (CRC), a group formed by Barbara Smith who sought a more explicitly intersectional approach. After the NBFO held the Eastern Regional Conference from November 30 to December 3rd, 1973, a chapter of the NBFO in Boston was formed. It was said that for this chapter,  “the women soon realized that their vision for social change was more radical than the NBFO’s, and they broke off to form their own collective” (Jones 2021). As such, the emergence of the Combahee River Collective (CRC) was formed and they operated roughly around the same time period as the National Black Feminist Organization. CRC was a Black, feminist, lesbian, socialist group primarily based in Boston, Massachusetts. The group was created in response to racism within the feminist movement and sexism and homophobia within the civil rights movement. The CRC emphasized a collective, community-focused strategy and advocated for an intersectional analysis that directly addressed issues of class, sexuality, and capitalism alongside race and gender. The CRC’s manifesto became influential in shaping Black feminist thought. Some argue that the Combahee River Collective filled the ideological and organizational void left by the NBFO’s dissolution.


The NBFO’s advocacy pushed the need for feminism to be inclusive, sparking a shift towards a more comprehensive, intersectional approach that continues to shape feminist thought and activism today. Through their work, the NBFO paved the way for future feminists to recognize and affirm the diverse, interconnected struggles of marginalized identities, setting a foundation for a feminism that is truly inclusive and representative.  



REFERENCES

Almeida Junco, Y., & Guillard Limonta, N. R. (2020). The importance of black feminism and the theory of intersectionality in analysing the position of Afro descendants. International Review of Psychiatry, 32(4), 327–333. https://doi.org/10.1080/09540261.2020.1772732

Cox, Kiana. “2. Black Americans and Their Views on Feminism.” Pew Research Center Race & Ethnicity, Pew Research Center, 16 Feb. 2023, www.pewresearch.org/race-ethnicity/2023/02/16/black-americans-and-their-views-on-feminism/.

Davis, Beverly. “To seize the moment: A retrospective on the national black feminist organization.” Sage 5, no. 2 (1988): 43. https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5c9edf9111f78419cff9bb06/t/64a08361df04412c408ae375/1688240993616/To_Seize_the_Moment_A_Retrosp.pdf

Jones , Marian. “‘if Black Women Were Free’: An Oral History of the Combahee River Collective.” Portside, October 31, 2021. https://portside.org/2021-10-31/if-black-women-were-free-oral-history-combahee-river-collective.

Lewis, Jone. “Profile and History: National Black Feminist Organization (NBFO).” ThoughtCo, March 7, 2019. https://www.thoughtco.com/national-black-feminist-organization-nbfo-3528292.

“Mary Church Terrell (U.S. National Park Service).” National Parks Service, U.S. Department of the Interior, 9 Mar. 2022, www.nps.gov/people/mary-church-terrell.htm.

Peterson, Max. “The Revolutionary Practice of Black Feminisms.” National Museum of African American History and Culture, 8 Dec. 2021, nmaahc.si.edu/explore/stories/revolutionary-practice-black-feminisms.

Tall, Houreidja. “This Organization Changed Everything for Black Feminists.” Teen Vogue, October 19, 2023. https://www.teenvogue.com/story/national-black-feminist-organization-a-legacy-of-radical-activism-and-community.

Taylor, Ula. “The Historical Evolution of Black Feminist Theory and Praxis.” Journal of Black Studies 29, no. 2 (1998): 234–53. http://www.jstor.org/stable/2668091.

“The Black Women’s Club Movement: Crash Course Black American History #23.” CrashCourse. October 29, 2021. Video, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Cy2ODAB8mJs&ab_channel=CrashCourse.
Wada, Kayomi. “National Black Feminist Organization (1973-1976)” BlackPast, December 29, 2008. https://www.blackpast.org/african-american-history/national-black-feminist-organization-1973-1976/